Awami League resistance turns deadly as Bangladesh govt’s political push falters

In Bangladesh, the interim government's attempt to present itself as a capable authority in restoring order and normalcy following the coup met with strong public resistance in the Gopalganj district.

The intensity and violence of the Awami League-led anti-government agitation on July 16 took the interim administration by surprise, revealing that the new rulers in Dhaka were still far from establishing full control over the country’s 170 million population.

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This marked an embarrassing setback for Muhammad Yunus, the Chief Adviser to the transitional government, and his team. Eleven months after armed mobs with no clear political allegiance ousted the ruling Awami League (AL), the current group of provisional officials under Yunus had gradually and subtly positioned themselves within the political landscape.

Politics beyond mandate

After all, the Yunus team was meant to serve only for a few months in a caretaker role. Their mandate was limited to managing day-to-day administration, implementing a few key reforms, and laying the groundwork for fresh elections. Introducing new policies or becoming involved in the political process was strictly off-limits.

In reality, events in Bangladesh unfolded quite differently. The ‘radical’ youths who had led the agitation to oust the Awami League from power went on to form a new political outfit, the Nationalist Citizens Party (NCP). They had eagerly backed Yunus as the interim leader, a support he also received from the Jamat-e-Islami and the main opposition force, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP).

Interestingly, their shared animosity toward the Awami League, and, by extension, India, along with a strong desire to revive ties with Pakistan, created a close alignment between Yunus, his chosen advisers, and both old and newly formed political parties. They did not take long to ban the Awami League and all its activities.

Yunus’ political ambitions

A shrewd strategist, Yunus recognised that the new generation of Bangladeshi youth formed a solid support base for the emerging Nationalist Citizens Party (NCP). According to reports from Dhaka, he began positioning himself as a friendly adviser to the NCP. Unwilling to step down from his influential role, he offered crucial administrative support and other assistance as the party went about holding rallies.

Meanwhile, the BNP could sense that Yunus was positioning himself to maintain a foothold in Bangladeshi politics beyond the proposed 2026 elections. If the rising NCP and the Jamaat-e-Islami secured a significant number of seats, they could become a major political force. With their backing, Yunus would be well-placed to play a prominent role in Bangladesh politics.

Not surprisingly, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) appears to have grown distant from Yunus. Its leaders recognised that he was charting his own political course in Bangladesh. His close ties with the NCP and the full administrative support he extended to their activities made his intentions increasingly clear.

NCP setting agenda

As anticipated, the newly formed Nationalist Citizens Party (NCP) is now setting the tone, operating in close coordination with the interim administration. Led by Nahid Islam, the party is largely dominated by young activists who played a key role in the anti-Awami League coup.

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Not much is known about the NCP’s specific programmes or ideology. However, the party is openly hostile toward what it calls the “fascist Awami League and its pro-India politics.” This stance closely mirrors the rhetoric consistently used by Yunus and his associates, even in public forums.

As a result, the NCP has called on India to extradite former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to Bangladesh, where they demand she face trial for allegedly suppressing democratic opposition, orchestrating the elimination of key rivals and parties, and engaging in large-scale financial corruption. The party also seeks to revisit all bilateral agreements with India, while advocating for closer ties with Pakistan and Turkey.

Gopalganj rally backfires

These days, the NCP is holding public meetings and rallies across various districts, drawing support from both anti-Awami League and anti-India segments, much to the satisfaction of the current rulers in Dhaka. However, the enthusiasm hit a roadblock in Gopalganj district, where the NCP encountered its first public challenge. The situation escalated when its leaders concluded a rally and proceeded toward the grave of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding father of Bangladesh.

The interim government shot itself in the foot by backing and promoting the poorly conceived “March to Gopalganj” programme on July 16. “The NCP had already held rallies in three northern districts before heading to Gopalganj, a well-known Awami League stronghold. Even the word ‘march’ came across as provocative, and their declaration that they would desecrate Sheikh Mujib’s grave only worsened matters. Despite being staunch opponents of the AL, no one in the BNP would endorse such language or tactics,” said Rumi Farhana.

As planned, NCP leaders and supporters travelled in a convoy to Gopalganj, where they held a public meeting. Speaker after speaker launched fierce attacks on the Awami League, vowing to erase every trace of its influence from Bangladesh. Following the rally, they proceeded toward the site housing Sheikh Mujib’s grave, located within a small local complex.

Deadly political face-off

According to eyewitnesses, trouble broke out around 2.30 pm when enraged Awami League supporters, armed with bricks, sticks, lathis, and homemade bombs, launched an attack on the NCP convoy. Windows of vehicles were shattered as NCP leaders and cadres fled in panic, pursued by AL supporters. What followed was a one-sided clash, chaos broke out, with people screaming in pain, some collapsing to the ground, while one car was set ablaze and another severely damaged.

The police arrived shortly after and moved to disperse the Awami League supporters. A few bombs exploded during the chaos, heightening the panic. Police then opened fire, and gunshots echoed for some time as officers chased down small groups of AL supporters.

No autopsies conducted

Later, reports confirmed that at least four people were killed and over 20 were injured. More than 30 individuals were arrested initially, with the number rising as detentions continued throughout the night. However, in a statement later, Awami League sources claimed that no fewer than 21 people had been killed in the incident. Human rights groups also compiled reports and submitted them to international organisations, citing higher casualty figures.

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An interesting but troubling sidelight was that, though police confirmed four deaths, no post-mortems were conducted. Human rights activists alleged that by disposing of the bodies without autopsies, authorities had eliminated any possibility of determining what kind of bullets were used, whether fired by police or by others wielding unlicensed firearms.