50 years on: Emergency's shadows visible in Indian polity

In this special episode of Off The Beaten Track on The Federal, veteran journalists John Dayal and Ajoy Bose join host Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay to reflect on the 50th anniversary of the Emergency declared by then prime minister Indira Gandhi in June 1975. The panel revisits what led to that authoritarian moment, how democratic institutions crumbled, and why some of its shadows seem visible in the current Indian polity.

Can democracy be undone?

Dayal opens with a haunting reflection: "What still comes in my nightmares is how easily democracy can be undone in India."

He explains that beyond the textbook accounts of 21 months of suspension of rights and arrests of opposition leaders, the deeper malaise is how certain parts of India — like Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Kashmir, and the Northeast — have always lived under "some form of emergency." He argues that India’s democratic structure is inherently fragile, vulnerable to the whims of any government willing to override institutional checks.

Dayal criticises a historically compliant judiciary, a tamed press, and a servile bureaucracy, all of which can be co-opted by power. "They always find willing accomplices," he laments. This, he warns, continues to make democracy vulnerable.

Voices from the street

Bose brings a subaltern view. He and Dayal were young reporters in Delhi when they co-authored the iconic book For Reasons of State, which chronicled life during Emergency at the grassroots level. Bose recalls the fear among ordinary citizens when constitutional protections were snatched away. What stood out to him was the sheer brutality of state actions: demolitions of slums under Sanjay Gandhi’s beautification programme, and the forced sterilisation campaign that led to over 5 million surgeries and around 2,000 deaths.

Also read: Long Live Democracy yatra, exhibition to mark 50 years of Emergency

"Poor people were always at the receiving end of the state," says Bose. But during Emergency, they had absolutely no rights. That, he says, was its defining characteristic.

Parliament, in name only

Dayal and Bose note how Parliament became symbolic, continuing sessions while most opposition MPs were jailed. "Their seats weren’t cancelled. Just marked absent," Dayal notes. The Congress benches functioned unquestioned, with even former parliamentarians now toeing the executive line.

This legacy, Dayal says, lives on in how Parliament is run even today. “Most bills pass without debate. The speaker backs the ruling party, and rules are bent routinely.”

Why was Emergency declared?

Bose traces the causes of the Emergency to the Allahabad High Court’s verdict on Indira's election. Even though the Supreme Court gave her a partial reprieve, Bose says Indira feared internal coups — especially from powerful ministers like YB Chavan and Jagjivan Ram. She suspected Chavan of CIA links.

It was with legal help from Siddharth Shankar Ray that the idea of a constitutional emergency took shape. Simultaneously, Sanjay, impatient with democratic norms, began consolidating extra-constitutional authority. Though initially reluctant, Indira opted for Emergency as a political and personal defence.

RSS gains legitimacy

Both panellists agree that the post-Emergency political realignment gave the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) unprecedented mainstream legitimacy. By joining the Janata Party, the Bharatiya Jan Sangh became part of government. Atal Bihari Vajpayee and LK Advani got key ministries.

Also read: Sholay at 50: How Ramesh Sippy’s film captured India’s angst and anxieties

"We saw RSS men dancing with Jama Masjid crowds," Dayal recalls, underlining how deep alliances were forged during jail time. It set the stage for the RSS's long-term embedding into Indian politics.

Why was Emergency lifted?

Despite enjoying near-total control, Indira called elections in 1977. Why? Dayal believes she sought democratic legitimacy — for herself and internationally. "She liked competitive politics. She resented being called a dictator, especially in Europe," adds Bose.

Sanjay was against lifting Emergency, but Indira went ahead, knowing she could be routed. She possibly hoped the people had forgotten or become apathetic. But the defeat was historic.

'Today’s democratic erosion is different'

While comparisons between 1975 and now are frequent, both panellists warn against conflating the two. Bose says, "Emergency was not an ideologically-driven project. Today, we have an ideological project aimed at creating a Hindu Rashtra."

Bose points to how institutions today are voluntarily compliant: "There are no censorship laws, but media chooses silence. Courts delay justice for dissenters like Umar Khalid."

Long-term damage

Dayal adds that the ideological machinery today has reached deeper. "Education, judiciary, media, armed forces — all have been penetrated. Even if this regime falls, reversing the damage will take decades."

Also read: 'Distraction': Cong slams move to hold special session to mark 50th Emergency anniversary

He says, unlike 1975, today’s machinery is driven by long-term ideological programming. "It will take two generations to undo the New Education Policy. We may never undo the capture of institutions."

Lessons to be learnt

Reflecting on 50 years since the Emergency, both journalists say citizens must realise that India’s institutions are fragile. Bose warns: "Our democratic checks are not strong enough. Even the US, the so-called mother of democracies, is under strain."

Dayal laments the invisibilisation of minorities in public life. "Muslims are now non-persons. Christians are threatened. Dalits too. Democracy without inclusion is a sham."

Also read: Srinath Raghavan maps the making and unmaking of India under Indira Gandhi

The conversation ends on a sobering note. "Emergency ended in 1977. Today’s crisis may take decades to undo," says Dayal.

The show, true to its name Off The Beaten Track, brings out uncomfortable truths: that authoritarianism can arrive not just with tanks on the street, but with silence in newsrooms and submission in courts.

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