While patting each other’s backs and waxing eloquent on Hindu identity, PM Modi, RSS chief give selective definitions of bigotry, unity while ignoring concerns over communal intolerance
The much-anticipated centenary celebrations of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) ultimately proved underwhelming, despite the highly-hyped ceremony in Nagpur on the occasion of Vijayadashami on October 2.
Although it was preceded by a curtain-raiser in Delhi at the organisation’s resplendently refurbished office, where a gathering inside the lavish hall was addressed by the most powerful former ‘pracharak’ – Narendra Modi – now India’s Prime Minister, the event did little to elevate the centenary celebrations.
Bhagwat’s exaggerated clarion call
It turned out to be unimpressive because of the absence of new ideas, barring RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s over-ambitious clarion call to “establish (the) true identity of Bharat in the world” once again, like in the past, when “enmity and conflict in countries used to get resolved after listening to Bharat’s sweet and wisdom-filled voice.”
Also read: Diversity, not ‘us vs them’ mindset, India’s tradition: RSS chief Bhagwat
Quite an exaggeration, one might say, although the ‘Sarsanghchalak’ (RSS chief) ended his Vijayadashami speech with the aforementioned line(s), which were actually excerpted from a poem written by a former RSS chief of West Bengal.
Bhagwat may not have himself made this claim of India that is ‘Bharat’, being a “problem-solver” for all of humankind; he nonetheless made it his own assessment by attesting the viewpoint or claim on such an important occasion.
Bid at mending fences
This year’s Vijayadashami celebration was preceded by discordance within the Sangh Parivar, the RSS and the BJP, and more specifically between Bhagwat and Modi.
Both Modi and Bhagwat lavished praises on each other, the former naming the organisation as well as the Sarsanghchalak, while the latter limited himself to endorsing some of the government’s decisions
But, given the solemnity of the occasion, the two chose to pull back the daggers that were out from when the campaign for last year’s Lok Sabha polls were still ongoing.
As a consequence, both Modi and Bhagwat lavished praises on each other, the former naming the organisation as well as the Sarsanghchalak, while the latter limited himself to endorsing some of the government’s decisions.
Modi, in his address, termed the act of establishing the RSS as not “something entirely new.” He added further that the organisation was “a newer manifestation of an ancient tradition, where India’s eternal national consciousness expresses itself periodically, in different forms, to face the challenges of the times.”
Also read: RSS at 100: Hindutva is an ideological camouflage for its Brahminical core
Patting each other’s backs
In numerous interactions with Modi, which I had the good fortune to have, he personally confessed to having learnt every political and administrative skill he possesses, as being due to the time he spent as ‘Swayamsevak’ initially and later in senior positions in the Sangh.
In his speech on October 1, he also made a significant statement regarding the basic organisational unit of the RSS – the ‘Shakha’. The prime minister termed it as “an inspiring place where every swayamsevak begins his journey from ‘me to we’ and goes through a process of personal transformation.”
Likewise, Bhagwat, when he referred to the gruesome attack on innocent civilians in Pahalgam in April, termed the government’s strike on terrorist facilities in Pakistan as “a fitting response”. He also drew attention to the “firmness of the country’s leadership, the valour and war-readiness of our armed forces, as well as the determination and unity of our society.”
Bhagwat also applauded the government for its success in weakening left-wing extremism and said that this has been “largely brought under control due to the firm actions of the government and the realisation among people about the hollowness of their ideology and cruelty.”
Critique of govt
The Sarsanghchalak, however, pointed to the fact that the “root of Naxalites’ popularity in these areas lay in exploitation and injustice, lack of development, and absence of sensitivity about these matters in the administration. Now that these obstacles have been removed, a comprehensive action plan is required to ensure justice, development, goodwill, empathy, and harmony in these regions.”
Also read: PM Modi hails RSS at centenary, says it endured conspiracies with resilience
Quite clearly, Bhagwat does not wish the government to rest on its laurels, just as he also drew attention to the fact that we “must remain as vigilant as possible (regarding threat from terrorism) and further develop our security capabilities.”
On the economic side, Bhagwat used words that would not have greatly pleased Modi and others in the government. He termed the “prevailing economic system” as having “specific flaws that are increasingly becoming evident worldwide: the widening gap between rich and poor, the concentration of economic power, the strengthening of new mechanisms that enable easier exploitation by exploiters, damage to the environment, and the rise of transactionalism and inhumanity instead of genuine interpersonal relationships.”
Selective criticism of bigotry
Both Bhagwat and Modi, however, repeated in various ways the need to stand united and shed divisiveness. For instance, Modi referred to “social ills such as caste discrimination and untouchability” being major "challenges for Hindu society.” He said that “from the time of Dr Hedgewar ji (the founder of RSS) until today, every member of the Sangh, every Sarsanghchalak, has fought against such discrimination.”
Why does Modi, or Bhagwat, speak only about bigotry and unfairness only based on caste and not on lines of religious identity?
He thereafter went on to list specific campaigns of successive Sarsanghchalaks and added that the Bhagwat in his tenure from 2009 has “given a clear call for unity, calling for one well, one temple, one cremation ground for everyone.”
Read/watch: RSS at 100: How relevant is the Sangh in Modi era? | Talking Sense With Srini
There are two issues with Modi’s contention: One, failure lurks in his claims about the various chiefs' continuing campaign against caste-based discrimination. If the current Sarsanghchalak has to still work on eliminating such inequity in Hindu society, which his predecessors were waging for the past century, clearly something was lacking in the efforts of the past leaders.
Two, why does Modi, or for that matter Bhagwat, too, speak only about bigotry and unfairness based on caste and not on lines of religious identity?
In fact, the problem lies in Bhagwat’s conceptualisation: “Hindu society is the responsible society for Bharat. It is an inclusive society. It is free of, and will remain free, from a mentality ‘us and them’ which creates divisions based on superficial differences of many names and forms. The Hindu society is the upholder and guardian of the noble idea of ‘Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam’.”
Contradictions in Bhagwat’s speech
Since 2014, when the BJP with Modi at the helm became the ruling party in the country, Bhagwat’s utterances have come under scrutiny more consistently than before.
His duplicitousness has therefore been underscored on numerous occasions in the past. It was again visible in his centenary address on this Dussehra, when he referred to India being a nation of “immense diversity. He said, “Many languages, multiple religions, diverse lifestyles, and a variety of cuisines due to geographic diversity, caste, and sub-caste – all these diversities have existed for a long time.”
Bhagwat's acceptance of India’s diversity is at odds with his formulation of Hindu society being the sole community that is responsible for the nation.
Acceptance of India’s diversity is at odds with his formulation of Hindu society being the sole community that is responsible for the nation. Another contention of his is immensely problematic. That, “over the past thousand years (note the specific time period being referred to), some foreign communities have also entered Bharat from outside our borders. While foreigners have left, our own brothers who accepted these religions and continue to follow them are still present in Bharat.”
Also read: PM Modi showers praise on RSS; 'spirit of selfless service, discipline are its true strengths'
Quite clearly, the RSS chief is confusing his history. The British colonialist may have left, but most of the descendants of the Mughal (and others who were also Muslims) emperors, barring those who came chiefly to plunder the land, got assimilated in this land and have stayed on.
Stress on ‘larger identity’ aka ‘Hindu identity’
Given this as a factual backdrop to assert condescendingly that they “all are welcome and accepted. We look at them as ours rather than as the ‘other’. We regard these diversities as specialities and understand the tendency to take pride in them. However, these distinct identities should not cause division. Despite all our distinct identities, we are all parts of a larger society. As a society, a country, a culture, and a nation, we are united. We must remember that this larger identity is above everything else for us.”
It would not have been problematic if the “larger identity” had been termed as Indian or even ‘Bharatiya’. But Bhagwat and his ilk insist on terming it as Hindu identity and contend that every community in the country must imagine itself as Hindus too, at least culturally and politically.
But, Bhagwat’s loyalists could well assert that he also states that all Indians are “required to be harmonious and respectful. Everyone has their own beliefs, icons, and places of worship. We should be careful not to disrespect these in thought, word, or action. Awareness must be created for this. All of us should follow rules, maintain order, and demonstrate harmonious behaviour. Taking the law into one’s hands and coming out on the streets or engaging in hooliganism and violence, on a small matter or merely out of suspicion – this tendency is not correct. Show of strength is deliberately done to provoke a particular community.”
Also read: Jairam Ramesh attacks RSS on centenary using Gandhi, Patel quotes
Silence on religious intolerance
However, it must be recalled that this is not the first time that Bhagwat has made such an unambiguous assertion. The problem, however, is that these statements are made from remote locations, not when the nation is in the midst of an upsurge of such intolerance and hate.
Why does Bhagwat not take action or demand that the government take immediate action against those making hate speeches? Why does Bhagwat not ask the government of the police department of any particular state to examine if any law is actually violated by expressing people’s love for their revered deity or personality?
One can list innumerable instances when it was necessary for Bhagwat to intervene, yet he chose silence.
Hollow Paanch Parivartan agenda
Some years ago, the RSS listed Paanch Parivartan (five initiatives or alternate ways) it would strive for over the decades ahead: social harmony, preservation of family values, environmental protection, selfhood and self-reliance, and adherence to legal, civic, and constitutional duties.
Of these, the first call for social harmony wouldn’t remain a coherent idea as long as RSS leaders speak with a forked tongue and consider Hindus as moral leaders and bearers of national identity.
Also read: How Trump thwarted RSS’s Vishwaguru dreams, leaving Hindutva project adrift
Similarly, in a democracy where the basic rights of citizens are enshrined in the Constitution, it is not enough to put the responsibility of “legal, civic, and constitutional duties” solely on the citizens.
Responsibility, after all, is not a one-way street named as Kartavya Path. This is something that Bhagwat and Modi both need to comprehend and remember, divergences notwithstanding.
(The Federal seeks to present views and opinions from all sides of the spectrum. The information, ideas or opinions in the articles are of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Federal)
