Brinda Karat interview: Socialism is only alternative to capitalism, loot, American hegemony

Even as the Left continues to struggle with its diminishing electoral fortunes across India, the CPI(M) is focused on retaining its stronghold in Kerala for an unprecedented third consecutive term. Once a dominant force in West Bengal, the party is also hoping to make inroads in the state again in the 2026 assembly polls.

In an exclusive interview with The Federal, CPI(M) senior leader and former parliamentarian Brinda Karat discusses the party's new leadership, its strategy for revival, and its stance on key political, social, and economic issues.

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Edited excerpts:

Communism marks 100 years in India. CPI won 16 seats in the first general elections in independent India in 1951-52. This number grew to 29 in 1962 and 43 seats, as CPI(M), in 2004. But if you really look at the numbers in the last 10 years — it is 3 in 2019 and 4 in 2024. The parties have neither managed to grow regionally or electorally despite the moral clout via trade unions and student outfits. Do you have a concrete strategy in reviving the Left?

Those are indeed relevant questions, especially considering the severe electoral setbacks we faced in the last two or three elections. However, historically, if you look at the party's electoral performance, there are three main bases where we used to secure seats – Bengal, Kerala, and Tripura. In Bengal, despite the massive repression faced by our comrades, we are witnessing a groundswell of support for the party, with massive mobilisations and significant participation in struggles. However, this momentum is yet to translate into electoral victories.

But I believe there will be a change now. Even in a challenging situation, our performance is likely to improve in the coming days.

As for the second question about strategy, yes, undoubtedly, we have a clear one. This is what the 24th Party Congress was all about – reviewing our work across India and moving forward with a coherent political strategy that has multiple dimensions.

There’s a social dimension to our strategy, including our battle against patriarchy and caste oppression, particularly within the framework of the Manuvadi dominant ideology of the BJP-RSS combine. That’s a very critical point.

The second aspect addresses the assault on the Constitution of India and emphasises the need to organise the broadest mobilisation against this threat.

Thirdly, and most importantly, are the class struggles – the mass struggles of India’s working class – and how to take that out politically.

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I think there has been a very fruitful discussion, and therefore would term the Congress as a Congress of unity and resolve.

For a potential revival amid dwindling memberships, the party needs to galvanise young voters. Baby is 70 now and he has just five more years considering the age bar. Isn’t this already late? Do you think it would have been a better choice to have someone relatively younger at the top?

No, I don't think so. I believe this is a matter of continuity. We require continuity in our leadership. You can't suddenly have a break. For eight senior leaders of the party to step down all at once, you need a person who has worked at the centre and has a certain level of experience to bridge that gap.

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As you can see, unlike many other parties, our party, when we made a constitutional change by setting an age limit of 75 years for the central committee members, we implemented it. This action speaks volumes about the party's commitment to collective functioning. It truly says a lot.

Baby said about 25 per cent of the global population in the world live in countries ruled by Left parties. But when you think practically, you see the Left-ruled countries have not much of a say in shaping geopolitics or the economy except China. The right wing still has the larger say. Do you agree?

The crux of the whole narrative is that there is no alternative to capitalism, no alternative to loot and plunder, no alternative to American hegemony perpetuated by successive American administrations. The point that Comrade Baby was making is clear: there is an alternative. And it's not an alternative for the future; it’s an alternative that is happening today in many countries across the world.

I would even say that in India, within the capitalist system, you have a state like Kerala, for example, which, with very limited resources, has an alternative vision.

So, the key point we want to stress is that there is an alternative – and that alternative is socialism.

Political analysts often say that the Indian left has never got the Indian society right. If you really look at the draft resolution, you see a couple of rhetorical points against the Modi government and most importantly you see a lot of support for Russia on its Ukraine war and China for its Belt and Road Initiative and for becoming an economic superpower. We don’t really hear anything on the border skirmishes and the issue of China occupying Indian territory.

You think a party still looking up to China as its inspiration can be taken seriously in India today?

The China-India border dispute has been a long-standing issue. Successive governments, including the Modi government, have made historical statements in Parliament that disputes must be resolved through dialogue.

Therefore, the party has always advocated for resolving such issues through dialogue, as that is the most effective approach. Unfortunately, due to the Modi government's foreign policy, we are in conflict with all our neighbours.

This is a very unfortunate situation. That is why we have emphasised the importance of good neighbourly relations in our resolution. I firmly believe that position is in the national interest.

I also wanted to touch upon the party’s economic policy. The party has recently shifted away from its stance against privatisation to selective privatisation in PSUs. You talk about Nava Keralam, that's building a new Kerala. You need significant public private participation to get going, do you still think this policy against privatisation makes sense?

You're mistaken in suggesting that there has been a shift in our position. There has been no such shift. It was Comrade Jyoti Basu, perhaps about 25 or even 30 years ago, who led discussions on West Bengal’s industrial policy, at a time when the state was virtually being blockaded by the Central Government.

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The point is, in Kerala, this is the only state government which has, in fact, saved 12 to 14 state public sector units from the destruction they faced, before the Left government came into power. We have saved those public sector units.

But what about those public sector units, who due to current market conditions and low demand, are difficult to restart once they’ve been declared defunct or sick. How do you revive these public sector units?

This is not a general, blanket statement about private-public participation, certainly not. In regions where there is a robust public sector, where units were sick but we could revive them, we have done so – and they are doing very well.

It is only for those specific individual cases, where we believe revival may be necessary that we are open to private-public participation. If we can revive those public sector units with such kind of participation that would be absolutely fine, and it would fit in within our general ideological perspective.

Ahead of the 2026 election where the Left is a key player, here are two questions: a) Would the Left and the Congress be putting up a united fight against the BJP and the TMC in West Bengal? b) Who could be the Left’s Chief Ministerial candidate for Kerala?

As far as electoral tactics are concerned, the party's electoral tactics are determined by the political line, which we have just discussed at the 20th Congress. So, when elections are declared, at that time, we will decide our seat-sharing arrangements and how to proceed.