Why declining 'quality' of membership is a looming crisis for CPI(M)

The party in Kerala was also simultaneously navigating a difficult phase, as the VS Achuthanandan-led LDF had come agonisingly close to securing a second term in the Assembly elections with internal factional strife having taken a visible toll. However, the membership numbers had gone up, Pillai had pointed out, despite the erosion of mass organisations in key states.

“There was an increase in the membership, even while the strength of mass organisations declined owing to the difficult situation in West Bengal. It also reported some expansion in Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh and Haryana,” said Pillai, or SRP, as he is popularly called in Kerala.

Declining membership

Fast forward 13 years and three party congresses later, in Madurai, a visibly out-of-sorts BV Raghavulu met the press — standing in stark contrast to the confident posture of SRP in Kozhikode back in 2012. That earlier optimism now feels like a distant memory, as the CPI(M) finds itself in the throes of a deeper crisis: a steady decline in membership, a shrinking mass base, and a rapidly fading national relevance.

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According to data released by the party, it currently has 10,19,009 members across states — 2,058 fewer than last year. However, the party claims an overall increase of 33,252 members since the last party congress. Notably, the growth was more significant in 2022, before the numbers began to decline over the past two years.

Kerala continues to have the highest number of cadres, with 5,64,895 members, despite recording a loss of 7,228 members in the past year. West Bengal, where the party had a membership of 3,21,682 in 2007, has seen its numbers plummet to 1,58,143. However, there has been a slight uptick compared to the previous year.

The host state of this year's party congress, Tamil Nadu, holds the third-highest membership for the CPI(M) with 93,823 members, followed by Telangana in fourth place with 38,143. Bihar and Maharashtra come next, with 20,221 and 14,406 members respectively.

Tripura, another state where the party held power for decades, has been witnessing a consistent decline in membership over the past three years, dropping from 50,612 in 2021 to the current 39,626.

Unhealthy trend

The party claims that the proportion of women members has risen from 18.2 per cent to 20.2 per cent in 2024. The share of youth within the party has also grown, increasing from 19.5 per cent to 22.6 per cent over the past three years since the last Congress.

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According to the party, the class composition remains robust, with 48.25 per cent from the working class, 17.79 per cent agricultural labourers, and 9.93 per cent poor peasants. Overall, 75.97 per cent of members are drawn from the basic classes. Additionally, membership in the party’s mass organisations has reportedly increased by 64 lakh.

However, what the party refers to as the quality of membership — measured by the ability to retain members — appears to be a cause for concern. The consistent drop in membership numbers is viewed as an unhealthy trend that raises questions about long-term sustainability.

The sharp slide also indicates the low level of political consciousness of party members, their inactivity and lack of commitment.

Tackling challenges

BV Raghavalu said: “We are certainly concerned about the quality of membership, but this isn’t necessarily reflected negatively in the overall numbers. Looking at the past three years, the figures appear encouraging — barring Tripura. While there was a decline during the Covid period, we are now regaining ground, moving steadily back to pre-Covid levels and building from there. The issue of membership quality has been actively discussed at the Congress, and appropriate measures will be taken to address it."

Further, he said that the party had placed strong emphasis on strengthening its organisational capacity to take up ideological work aimed at countering the Hindutva ideology and its influence.

"These efforts were reviewed in detail in the organisational report. Progress made and shortcomings encountered were assessed in a self-critical manner at all levels, and future tasks were charted out to enable the Party to carry out its political responsibilities more effectively, build struggles and movements, and engage in the ideological battle ahead,” added the politburo member.

Membership quality

However, a prominent section of the Kerala unit of the party has concerns over the real quality of the membership.

“The party’s review generally focuses on the percentage of membership dropouts. But what we’re seeing in Kerala is a slightly different scenario. As the ruling party for the past decade, our membership numbers have remained steady, with many people joining us due to our position in power.

"However, at certain levels, party scrutiny has become lax, allowing individuals with vested interests to enter the fold. This has, in part, led to corruption allegations against some members. It's an area where we need to remain vigilant. If and when we're out of power, these memberships could quickly decline,” a senior delegate cautioned.

Private investment vs privatisation

Although the party congress projected the Kerala government as a model of alternative governance, several delegates from outside the state criticised the Pinarayi Vijayan government's functioning. Some trade union representatives expressed concern that the government was drifting away from the party's core ideology.

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The administration's pro-investment stance, particularly its openness to private sector involvement and foreign universities, was flagged as a matter of concern.

However, the Party Politburo defended the Kerala government, drawing a clear distinction between private investment and privatisation. They argued that encouraging private investment does not necessarily amount to compromising the Party’s ideological principles or pursuing privatisation.

Raghavulu clarified that handing over public assets to private entities is not the same as inviting private investment for the state's development.