Assam Gaurav Gogoi Congress chief
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Gaurav Gogoi’s appointment may be a calculated move to project a CM face capable of countering Himanta Sarma’s dominance. However, unless Congress rebuilds from the ground up and reconnects with the public, even Gogoi’s popularity might not translate to votes, say observers | Photo: Gogoi's Facebook page

Gogoi’s rise to Assam Cong chief comes with high hopes but heavy baggage

Gogoi’s task is daunting: rejuvenate the Congress machinery, inspire demoralized cadres, and confront the formidable political and media arsenal of CM Sarma


In a strategic leadership shake-up ahead of the 2026 Assam Assembly elections, the All India Congress Committee (AICC) on May 26 appointed Jorhat MP Gaurav Gogoi as the new president of the Assam Pradesh Congress Committee (APCC).

The move marks a generational shift and a gamble by the Congress high command to revive its fortunes in a state where it has steadily lost ground to the BJP over the last decade.

The appointment was confirmed via an official press release by AICC general secretary KC Venugopal, who emphasized that the change takes immediate effect as part of a larger organizational restructuring.

A clean image and fresh appeal

Outgoing president Bhupen Kumar Borah, who led the APCC since 2021, has been moved to head the party’s Campaign Committee for the 2026 elections. While seen as a demotion by some, it’s also viewed as an acknowledgement of Borah’s loyalty during a politically difficult time for the party in Assam.

Gogoi’s rise signals not just a leadership change but a calculated risk. With no significant organizational experience, the Deputy Leader of the Congress in the Lok Sabha brings a clean image and fresh appeal. But he inherits a deeply fractured party. His task is daunting: rejuvenate the Congress machinery, inspire demoralized cadres, and confront the formidable political and media arsenal of Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma.

Also read: ‘Worried about CM’s health’, says Gogoi after Himanta’s ‘ISI’ claim

Personal attacks by Himanta

Gaurav Gogoi’s elevation comes at a time of intensifying personal attacks from Sarma, who has publicly accused him of visiting Pakistan without informing Indian authorities. He has also questioned the citizenship of Gogoi’s wife, Elizabeth Gogoi, and their children, citing her work with a Pakistan-based organization. A Special Investigation Team (SIT) has been formed and is expected to submit its findings by September 10.

Many within the Congress—including former MP Ripun Bora—have labelled Sarma’s allegations as political vendetta, citing his long-standing rivalry with the Gogoi family dating back to 2012, when Gaurav first entered Assam politics.

Old rivalry

Pranjit Choudhury, in charge of the APCC’s Social Media and IT Department, recalled an early-2012 press conference where he alleged that Sarma once pushed for former chief minister and Gaurav’s father Tarun Gogoi to be nominated as the Vice-President of India so that Sarma could take over as the chief minister.

Sarma’s ambition to lead the state before the 2016 elections was blocked by the Congress high command, which backed Tarun Gogoi. This internal clash is believed to have sparked the deep-rooted political hostility Sarma now directs at Gaurav.

Also read: Himanta vs Gogoi turns personal; Assam CM targets Congress MP’s wife

Biggest battle within party

In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, Sarma reportedly used every means to defeat Gogoi in Jorhat, but the Congress MP won by a significant margin—fuelling speculation that the BJP sees him as a credible challenger.

But Gogoi’s biggest battle might not be against the BJP—it’s within his own party. Insiders claim that several Congress leaders are acting as silent agents of the BJP-RSS, holding key posts while undermining efforts to rebuild from within. This internal sabotage, coupled with a disengaged grassroots structure, poses a major obstacle.

Delimitation spanner

At present, the Congress’s presence is mostly limited to Rajiv Bhawan and District Congress Committees (DCCs), lacking a robust field operation. With just 11 months to go before the polls, the window for Gogoi to re-energize the party is closing fast.

Adding to the challenge is the delimitation exercise that shifted many minority-dominated constituencies—traditionally Congress strongholds—into BJP-favourable boundaries (from 32 to 22).

Between 2014 and 2024, BJP’s vote share in these areas soared from 2 per cent to 34 per cent, while the Congress’s grip weakened. In the recent panchayat polls, the BJP even formed zilla parishads in minority areas—a clear sign of shifting loyalties.

Also read: Himanta now claims Gogoi visited Pak on ISI invitation, says govt has proof

No clear economic agenda from Congress

In general constituencies, the Congress faces an uphill battle against the Hindutva narrative. Ethnic and tribal communities that once leaned towards the Congress are now firmly aligned with the BJP, which has successfully positioned itself as a provider of development and welfare schemes.

“People will vote for the BJP to ensure continued access to central schemes. Congress offers no clear economic agenda,” said Rana Khan, a former Congress worker.

The Congress’s bid to forge a united opposition is further undermined by alliance partners with no grassroots reach or conflicting agendas. Parties like Raijor Dal and Assam Jatiya Parishad (AJP) are unlikely to follow alliance discipline. Raijor Dal is attempting to pull Muslim voters away from the Congress, while the AJP, led by Lurinjyoti Gogoi, failed to win even a single seat in 2021.

Of the 14 parties in the “United Opposition”, most are paper tigers with little public traction.

A calculated move

Despite the political noise, some leaders, like Ikramul Huda, believe Gogoi’s appointment is a calculated move to project a chief ministerial face capable of countering Sarma’s dominance. However, unless Congress rebuilds from the ground up and reconnects with the public, even Gogoi’s popularity might not translate to votes.

“Gaurav enjoys goodwill among conscious citizens. But sympathy alone doesn’t win elections,” pointed out Khan.

Political watchers suggest that, under the current conditions, the Congress may repeat its 1985 and 1996 performance—securing no more than 25 seats, the party’s historical floor in Assam. Without serious groundwork, field mobilization, and internal clean-up, Gaurav Gogoi’s story risks becoming one of missed potential.

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