The symbolic and spiritual resonance of Bodh Gaya for Sikkim’s Buddhist community cannot be overstated. Pilgrimages to the site in Bihar are common, often involving extended stays by monks and other devotees. Image: Wikimedia Commons
Political undertones emerge as Buddhists rally for Mahabodhi Temple control
As Buddhists seek exclusive control of the temple, challenging Hindu-majority management under a 1949 Act, rumblings gain ground in Sikkim and beyond
The growing movement for Buddhist control over the Mahabodhi Temple in Bodh Gaya has taken a new turn, especially in Sikkim, where religious aspirations are becoming intertwined with political alignments.
While the All India Buddhist Forum (AIBF) presents its campaign as a fight for religious autonomy, its local dynamics suggest deeper connections to electoral politics, party alliances, and identity politics.
Crux of the debate: Bodh Gaya Temple Act, 1949
♦ Act mandates 8-member committee to manage temple
♦ Hindus, Buddhists to be represented in 50:50 ratio
♦ Committee to be led by District Magistrate, typically a Hindu
♦ Critics say this structure favours Hindu control over site
♦ Bihar govt resists reform, citing religious balance concerns
In Sikkim, the leadership of the AIBF significantly overlaps with the Sikkim Bhutia Lepcha Apex Committee (SIBLAC), a socio-political body now critical of the ruling Sikkim Krantikari Morcha (SKM) government. Notably, SIBLAC convenor Tseten Tashi Bhutia contested the 2024 elections for the Sangha seat on a BJP ticket but lost.
Interplay of religion and politics
The involvement of figures from both AIBF and SIBLAC has added an obvious political layer to what is publicly framed as a religious movement.
A rally in Gangtok, held on September 21 by the AIBF’s Sikkim chapter, marked a pivotal moment in the national Buddhist movement’s regional narrative. It also highlighted the difficulty of sustaining momentum in a setting where religious identity intersects with electoral strategies, party allegiance, and intra-community dynamics.
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The SKM’s political alliance with the BJP, which included ceding the Rajya Sabha seat to the national party, has further influenced how the protests are perceived. Though the call for Buddhist control over the Mahabodhi Temple is rooted in spiritual and historical claims, it is increasingly being viewed through a political lens. This has led to concerns that it may alienate some Buddhists who might otherwise support the cause.
While SIBLAC primarily represents the Bhutia and Lepcha communities, the AIBF's support base also includes other Buddhist groups such as the Gurung and Tamang communities, who took part in recent rallies in Gangtok.
Political hesitation?
A low turnout at the Gangtok rally reflects the political hesitation.
“Attendance could have been better. We haven’t seen the same turnout we typically witness during pilgrimages to Bodh Gaya,” said SD Tshering, SIBLAC advisor and one of six AIBF coordinators in Sikkim. He attributed the low participation to either lack of awareness or political hesitation, pointing to how local political dynamics are dampening broader mobilisation.
At the forefront of the nationwide campaign is Akash Lama, AIBF General Secretary and the movement’s chief strategist.
“I thank all who joined the Gangtok rally,” he said, while urging people to rise above politics. “Sikkim has an Ecclesiastical Department and Minister. He has a great opportunity to contribute. Local politics should not get in the way,” he added.
While the AIBF presents its campaign as a fight for religious autonomy, its local dynamics suggest deeper connections to electoral politics, party alliances, and identity politics.
Lama also called on Sikkim Chief Minister PS Tamang (better known as PS Golay) and Ecclesiastical Minister Sonam Lama to write to Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, and pass a resolution in the Sikkim Assembly in support of the movement.
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He further said the organisation’s legal team is prepared for the next Supreme Court hearing, on October 30. Emphasising non-violence, he said: “This movement is not about one person or one organisation. It is about all Buddhists. Our Mashaal rallies will continue. We want a permanent solution.”
The heart of the issue
At the centre of the protests is the Bodh Gaya Temple Act of 1949, which established a dual-religious management structure. The Act mandates an eight-member committee equally composed of Hindus and Buddhists, chaired by the District Magistrate—usually a Hindu.
Critics say this gives a structural advantage to Hindu interests over a site that is of central importance to Buddhists worldwide.
Although there have been efforts to amend or repeal the Act, the Bihar government has resisted change, citing the need for balance and inter-religious representation. Past reform proposals have often stirred political sensitivities, particularly among Hindu groups.
National Buddhist mobilisation
The present wave of mobilisation follows earlier rallies in Gaya (November 2023) and Patna (September 2024). What makes the current phase distinct is its wider geographic spread, with demonstrations now taking place in Buddhist-majority regions like Ladakh and Sikkim.
The protests reflect growing unity among Buddhist communities and underline that the movement is not just about temple administration, but about religious self-determination.
In Sikkim, the stakes are particularly significant. It is the only Indian state with a constitutionally recognised Sangha seat in its Legislative Assembly. The seat is filled through an electoral college of around 3,500 Buddhist monks and nuns from 111 registered monasteries. The Sangha MLA plays a key role in voicing Buddhist religious concerns.
What makes the current phase of rallies distinct is its wider geographic spread, with demonstrations now taking place in Buddhist-majority regions like Ladakh and Sikkim.
Sonam Lama, the current Sangha MLA and Minister for Ecclesiastical Affairs, has stayed away from the recent rallies held in April and September. His absence has not gone unnoticed. He has taken up the issue through formal channels, including writing to Union Minister Kiren Rijiju and Nitish Kumar.
Religious sovereignty
The symbolic importance of Bodh Gaya to Sikkim’s Buddhists runs deep. Pilgrimages to the temple are common, often involving extended stays.
The connection dates back to the Chogyal era, when the Sikkim monarchy acquired land in Bodh Gaya and built a guesthouse there. For many in the state, the issue is not just political or legal—it is about religious sovereignty.
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