Muslims shun Kerala BJP’s direct outreach as trust gap runs deep

The BJP’s decision to attempt a direct engagement with Kerala’s Muslim community has triggered sharp scepticism from major Muslim organisations, with many questioning both the timing and the intent behind the door-to-door outreach announced by the party’s state leadership.

While the BJP frames the exercise as a trust-building mission aimed at correcting what it describes as “misunderstandings and misinformation”, Muslim groups counter that the move is part of a calculated political project, not a genuine effort at dialogue.

‘Election-time stunt’

Among the strongest responses has come from the Amir of Jamaat-e-Islami Kerala, Mujeeb Rahman, who dismissed the BJP’s campaign outright. Speaking to The Federal on the saffron party’s outreach plans, he said, “There is no scope for any such dialogue with a party that pursues a communal and fascist ideology. This is a political project of the Sangh Parivar, and we are not falling for it. The threat posed by a fascist structure is not something to ‘talk out’ or resolve through conversation. The only answer is sustained resistance, in alignment with secular forces in the country, whether left or right.”

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Rahman also clarified why his organisation had participated in earlier dialogues with the RSS. “Earlier, we engaged in dialogue with the RSS because an intermediary had invited us for discussions with the ruling dispensation on minority concerns. That context no longer exists.”

“We see this as an election-time stunt. Anyone can visit homes in this country; no one will stop them. But whether the community accepts their message is another matter. We will take their pamphlets and ignore them, as they deserve. It’s that simple. We don’t need to oppose their programme as this is a democratic country,” said Sathar Panthalloor, vice-president of the Samastha Kerala Sunni Students Federation (SKSSF).

Perception and history pose difficulty

This deep lack of trust between the BJP and many Muslim organisations in Kerala is the gap the new outreach programme may struggle to bridge. The core difficulty lies not only in perception but in history. In a state where political polarisation intersects religious sensitivities, any attempt by the BJP to enter Muslim neighbourhoods is immediately viewed through a lens of suspicion.

“When a party that has consistently undermined the existence of the Muslim community suddenly claims to clear misunderstandings, people will naturally dismiss it with contempt,” said KV Abdulkhader, CPI(M) leader and former MLA.

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“The BJP has been in power for 10 years, yet not a single representative from a 20-crore community sits in their ranks, let alone in the Cabinet. People have not forgotten Gujarat (2002 riots) or the repeated atrocities faced by Muslims under BJP rule. Their track record speaks for itself. We do not even need to campaign against this. The community will judge them by their actions, not their words,” he added.

Attempt to dispel ‘decades of fear-mongering’

The BJP state president Rajeev Chandrasekhar has repeatedly stated that the outreach is not a vote-seeking exercise but an effort to clear what he calls “decades of fear-mongering”. According to him, the CPI(M) and the Congress have systematically portrayed the BJP as anti-Muslim to consolidate their political influence among minorities.

“This campaign seeks to open conversations, dispel myths and highlight the inclusive vision of the Modi government,” he said earlier.

The party plans to mobilise workers across all 14 districts to visit Muslim homes, distribute information brochures and highlight various central government welfare schemes. The initiative includes delivering congratulatory messages from Prime Minister Narendra Modi to families who have returned from the Haj pilgrimage. The BJP hopes these gestures will create an opening for conversations that have rarely taken place at the grassroots level.

Kerala BJP’s unique challenges

Political observers note that the BJP’s struggle in Kerala is unique. Kerala’s political scene has been consistently resistant to communal polarisation. The BJP has managed symbolic victories and occasional surges in visibility, but it has never succeeded in capturing Muslim votes in an organised or measurable way.

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The party had earlier focused heavily on Christian outreach, especially after allegations of targeted attacks on pastors and concerns over religious conversions in other parts of India. The Kerala leadership held meetings with bishops, visited homes during festive seasons, and attempted to build alliances on issues like narcotics, moral policing, and educational challenges. While these efforts yielded mixed results, they paved the way for a similar experiment now aimed at the Muslim community.

However, the political timing of this outreach is difficult to ignore. With local body elections approaching and the assembly polls not far behind, the BJP is seeking to present itself as more approachable and less ideologically rigid.

A lasting impression

Muslim organisations, however, argue that the BJP’s policy actions totally contradict its claims of inclusivity. They point to legislative and administrative decisions such as the Citizenship Amendment Act, Waqf amendment act, the revocation of Jammu and Kashmir’s special status, and various state-level moves seen as targeting minority educational institutions. For many, these have left a lasting impression that cannot be undone by local-level outreach.

At the same time, grassroots workers within the BJP insist that Kerala’s political culture prevents their party from being understood accurately. They say minorities in the state have been shielded from direct engagement with the BJP due to the dominance of Left and Congress narratives.

Fear of repercussions

There remains another dimension to the scepticism among the Muslims. Many families fear that opening the door to political workers could be misunderstood or misrepresented. In tightly knit communities, political signals spread quickly, and aligning with any party can invite repercussions or misinterpretation.

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Political commentators also note that the BJP has been working to identify local Muslim leaders who could serve as bridge-builders. The presence of figures such as Dr Abdul Salam, a vice-president of the state unit who has often defended the party’s minority stance, is part of this strategy.

For now, the tension between outreach and scepticism defines the narrative. The BJP insists on undertaking a transformative political exercise. Muslim organisations remain firm that trust cannot be repaired without structural changes. Dialogue, as Mujeeb Rahman indicated, is no longer seen as a viable path. Resistance, not accommodation, is viewed as the more appropriate political response.