Kerala: How and why BJP is emerging as a force in Palakkad
Palakkad’s political scene has traditionally been dominated by the UDF and LDF, led by the Congress and CPI(M). However, the BJP has made significant inroads, especially within the Palakkad municipality
A month ago, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-ruled Palakkad municipality in Kerala triggered a controversy by deciding to name an upcoming skill development centre for differently abled children after RSS founder K B Hedgewar. The move drew sharp criticism from the Congress and CPI(M) councillors, who clashed with their BJP counterparts during the meeting that ratified the proposal. Opposition members arrived with placards reading “Who is Hedgewar?”, questioning the political messaging behind the decision. The laying of the foundation stone was disrupted by the DYFI and Youth Congress activists, who took out separate marches.
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“To our knowledge, Hedgewar was someone who sought to divide the nation — he was the founder of the RSS. Can he really be called a freedom fighter to justify naming a building after him? What kind of message does it send when a skill development centre is named after Hedgewar? When the land belongs to the Palakkad municipality — a public body, not a political organisation — why should a building on it carry the name of an RSS leader?” asked Rahul Mamkoottathil, Congress MLA.
Another row over crematorium land allotment
A couple of weeks later, another controversy erupted as the council also approved the allocation of 20 cents of land within a public crematorium to the Nair Service Society (NSS), prompting allegations of caste-based segregation. The decision has since led other groups to demand similar allotments, raising broader concerns about fairness and inclusivity in public spaces. The BJP defended the decision, stating that the land allocation was not based on caste lines and that the cremation shed was constructed with financial support from the NSS.
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"NSS had approached the council with a request to construct a shed for conducting cremations, and the council approved it," said Prameela Sasidharan, the municipal chairperson. "It's not exclusive to any particular community — people of all castes and communities are free to use it. There's no caste-based discrimination involved."
However, the resolution passed by the NSS states that the shed may be used by other communities in cases of “adverse weather conditions” — a clause that many interpret as effectively restricting its use under normal circumstances.
As one of the few civic bodies in Kerala under BJP control, Palakkad is increasingly setting itself apart from the state’s political mainstream, with elements of Hindutva ideology finding easier acceptance and normalisation in civic life.
BJP’s growth in Palakkad
Palakkad’s political scene has traditionally been dominated by the UDF and LDF, led by the Congress and CPI(M). However, the BJP has made significant inroads, especially within the Palakkad municipality. Its rise began in the early 2000s, but the 2015 local body elections marked a breakthrough when it became the single-largest party with 24 of 52 seats and took control of the municipality —the first such instance for the BJP in Kerala. In 2020, the party further strengthened its position, winning a clear majority with 28 seats. This growth came at the expense of both the UDF and LDF, indicating the BJP’s expanding urban support base.
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In the last three Assembly elections, including the 2024 by-poll, the BJP secured the second position in the Palakkad constituency, consistently trailing the UDF and relegating the LDF to third place. Notably, it also finished second in the neighbouring Malampuzha constituency — a CPI(M) stronghold, pushing the Congress to third. In the recent Lok Sabha elections also, the BJP held on to the second spot in the Palakkad Assembly segment.
Palakkad’s demographic composition plays a pivotal role in the BJP’s success. The town has a Hindu-majority population (68 per cent as per the 2011 census), with communities like the Moothan, Nair, Brahmin (predominantly Tamil Brahmins), and Chettiyar forming a significant portion of the electorate. The Moothan community, traders with roots in Tamil Nadu’s Kongu belt, has been a reliable BJP vote bank since the 1960s, when they supported the Jana Sangh, the BJP’s predecessor. Areas like Moothan Thara, encompassing around 10 municipal wards, are BJP strongholds, where the party consistently secures high vote shares. The RSS has also cultivated a robust grassroots network in Palakkad, amplifying the BJP’s organisational strength in urban areas.
‘Counter polarisation’
“This isn’t exactly a new phenomenon — Palakkad has long been a region where the Sangh Parivar, even during its Jan Sangh days, held considerable influence. The polarisation here, particularly in the municipal area, is stark, with a deeply entrenched Hindu-Muslim divide. We witnessed a particularly tense period during Advani’s Rath Yatra and the Babri Masjid demolition, which led to police firing and the tragic death of a child named Sirajunisa,” opines M B Rajesh, state Excise and LSG minister who was the MP of Palakkad for 10 years.
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“The LDF won this seat in 1996 and 2006 as minority voters rallied behind us, but that isn’t the case anymore. Now, a counter polarisation is also happening the other way, and the UDF is gaining from it in elections. The truth is, the urban areas are becoming more openly divided along communal lines”, Rajesh told The Federal.
The BJP’s appeal is further bolstered by its alignment with Hindu cultural sentiments, which resonate in Palakkad’s urban wards, home to historic sites like the Palakkad Fort and Viswanatha Swamy Temple. The party’s campaigns often emphasise cultural nationalism, appealing to voters disillusioned with the UDF and LDF’s traditional focus on secular and left-leaning policies. This was evident in the 2021 Assembly election, where BJP candidate E Sreedharan, the Metro Man', led by over 10,000 votes in urban booths before losing narrowly by 3,859 votes to Congress’s Shafi Parambil, as rural panchayats tilted the balance.
“There are nearly 170 agraharas — Tamil Brahmin settlements — in Palakkad town alone, and the BJP holds sway in most of them,” said Rajesh. “The Congress had influence there during the time of CM Sundaram, a long-time MLA from that community. But after his tenure, the agraharas shifted their support to the BJP, which helped the party capture the municipal council. As for us, we’ve not been able to make any inroads into that segment so far.”
BJP faces litmus test in polls
Data indicates that the BJP’s influence declines beyond the municipal limits, where the UDF and LDF maintain their hold, particularly in panchayats like Pirayiri, with a significant Muslim population (27.9 per cent of the town’s total), and Kannadi, an LDF stronghold. The 2024 by-poll results revealed the BJP slipping to third place in several rural booths, highlighting a clear urban-rural divide, resulting in a thumping victory of the UDF candidate and even a slightly better showing by the LDF also.
The LDF secured victories in the Palakkad Assembly constituency twice in recent history, both times aided by a consolidation of minority votes — in 1996, in the aftermath of the Babri Masjid demolition, and again in 2006. Interestingly, in 2006, the CPI(M)’s K K Divakaran, a Brahmin (Namboothiri) leader, won the seat.
The weakening of the organisational structure of the Left, particularly the CPI(M), along with its failure to connect with new voters, especially the youth, and the growing alienation of minority communities, has eroded its base in Palakkad. The contest has now largely narrowed to a battle between the Congress and the BJP, and any split in the minority vote is likely to give the BJP a clear advantage.
The BJP’s significance in Palakkad town stems from its ability to capitalise on demographic advantages, cultural resonance, and organisational strength. While it faces hurdles in rural areas and internal cohesion, its control of the municipality and growing vote share in Assembly and Lok Sabha elections signal a shift in Kerala’s political landscape. As the LSG elections this year and 2026 Assembly elections approach, the BJP’s performance in Palakkad will be a litmus test for its ambitions to break the UDF-LDF duopoly. For now, Palakkad’s urban electorate remains a beacon of hope for the saffron party in a state that has long eluded its grasp.
