Will Modi’s ‘Chola gamble’ earn rich dividends?

As Prime Minister Narendra Modi launches development projects worth Rs 4,800 crore in Tamil Nadu’s Thoothukudi, questions arise over the real political impact of such visits.

Senior journalist R Rangaraj decodes why repeated attempts by the BJP to gain electoral traction in the state—through cultural appropriation, symbolism, and infrastructure announcements—have largely failed.

Why has the BJP failed to make electoral inroads in Tamil Nadu despite Modi’s repeated visits?

Narendra Modi and the BJP have not succeeded in Tamil Nadu despite many visits and alliances. Since 2014, their electoral results have either stagnated or declined. In 2014, they won only two seats despite alliances; in 2019, it dropped to one; and in 2024, they couldn't win any seat.

Tamil Nadu remains the BJP’s final frontier. Historically, northern empires—whether Mauryas or even the mythical Pandavas—could not conquer southern kingdoms like the Cholas or Pandyas. It's history repeating itself. Modi has made several political "raids" into Tamil Nadu, but without success. The north has become more competitive, especially after setbacks in Uttar Pradesh, so the BJP is desperate to open new fronts in the south. But it hasn’t worked.

The BJP is trying to appropriate Tamil cultural icons like the Cholas and Thiruvalluvar. How is this playing out on the ground?

Yes, they’ve tried hard. They tried to saffronise Thiruvalluvar—portraying him in saffron robes, with beads, as a Hindu icon. Even Governor RN Ravi tried to do this. But it failed because Thirukkural itself does not promote any religion. Thiruvalluvar remains a universal figure, and the attempt to reduce him to a religious identity backfired.

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Now, the BJP is trying to tap into the Chola legacy—portraying Raja Raja Chola and Rajendra Chola as icons of Hindutva. But that narrative doesn’t hold either. Raja Raja Chola was secular in his approach. Though he retrieved and compiled Shaivite scriptures, he supported Buddhists too. In fact, Buddhists saved him when his life was in danger in Sri Lanka. He even built a Buddhist vihara (monastery) in Nagapattinam in the 11th century.

The Cholas gave space to all religions. The BJP's effort to reframe their legacy into a Hindutva story is ahistorical and unlikely to resonate.

So will this cultural strategy—linking BJP with Tamil identity—backfire?

Yes, it’s unlikely to succeed. BJP has tried various community-based tactics: first promoting leaders from the Nadar community like Pon Radhakrishnan, then Gounders through Annamalai in western Tamil Nadu, and now a Devar narrative with Nainar Nagendran. But this artificial alignment of Chola pride with caste politics is seen through.

Historically, the Cholas were seen as larger-than-life rulers, beyond caste and religious affiliations. Also, the five great Tamil epics weren’t written by Hindus but by Jains and Buddhists. So BJP’s attempt to claim Tamil history via a Hindutva lens appears forced and opportunistic.

They even organized a Murugan devotees’ conference. Did that help the BJP’s image?

Quite the opposite. The Murugan conference became controversial after a video was screened that insulted Periyar and Annadurai—icons of Dravidian politics. That upset not just the DMK, but also the AIADMK, whose leaders were present. It caused a political embarrassment. There were strong speculations of a rift between BJP and AIADMK after that.

So, every time they attempt to co-opt Tamil identity into Hindutva, it seems to boomerang. The cultural messaging is perceived as manipulative rather than genuine outreach.

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With the PM launching infrastructure projects like the Thoothukudi airport expansion, will development narrative help the BJP?

Unlikely. Tamil Nadu has long-standing grievances about withheld central funds. For instance, Rs 4,500 crore under education schemes hasn’t been disbursed. The Centre is linking it to adopting the three-language formula, essentially pushing Hindi—something the Tamil Nadu government strongly resists.

Flood relief funds were also dismally low compared to the scale of damage. There’s a perception that the Centre is unfairly neglecting Tamil Nadu. Despite grand announcements, there’s no big-ticket Central project since 2014. AIIMS in Madurai was promised long ago, but construction only recently began, and it will still take years.

Is the BJP still perceived as a party of the north and upper castes in Tamil Nadu?

Yes, that perception persists. Even though the BJP promotes leaders from backward and Dalit communities, it’s seen as tokenism. Most of its leadership is upper-caste and Hindi-speaking. That alienates voters in the south.

There’s also frustration over the excessive use of Hindi in official communication, speeches, and press releases—even when addressing southern states. People here prefer English as the link language and see Hindi imposition as cultural dominance.

How has BJP’s handling of the Keeladi excavation affected its image in Tamil Nadu?

It’s seen very negatively. The Centre and the ASI have delayed publishing the Keeladi report for over two years. The senior archaeologist, Amarnath Ramakrishna, who led the excavation, has been sidelined. This is perceived as an effort to suppress evidence of an ancient Tamil urban civilisation that predates the Aryan narrative.

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The DMK and other regional parties have seized this to project the BJP as being against Tamil pride, culture, and history. Combined with the language issue and central fund cuts, BJP is seen as unsympathetic to Tamil Nadu’s identity and aspirations.

With the 2026 assembly elections approaching, BJP faces an uphill task. Their narrative around Hindutva and development is unlikely to resonate unless they recalibrate their strategy to genuinely respect and understand Tamil culture.

(The content above has been transcribed from video using a fine-tuned AI model. To ensure accuracy, quality, and editorial integrity, we employ a Human-In-The-Loop (HITL) process. While AI assists in creating the initial draft, our experienced editorial team carefully reviews, edits, and refines the content before publication. At The Federal, we combine the efficiency of AI with the expertise of human editors to deliver reliable and insightful journalism.)