BJP shifts focus to Lord Muruga in TN; will it make electoral gains?

As the BJP struggles to gain electoral ground in Tamil Nadu, it's turning to a new spiritual front: Lord Muruga. After limited success with the Ayodhya Ram temple narrative, the party is now banking on a homegrown deity to resonate with Tamil sentiments.

Political analyst R Rangaraj, in a conversation with The Federal, explains why the BJP is shifting from Ram to Muruga, how the DMK is countering it, and why Tamil Hindutva remains a steep climb.

Why is the BJP shifting from Lord Ram to Lord Muruga in Tamil Nadu?

Lord Ram and the Ayodhya temple didn’t really strike a chord in Tamil Nadu. Even in the recent Lok Sabha elections, the BJP underperformed in Uttar Pradesh, with the Samajwadi Party doing better—something no one expected. In contrast, Muruga is deeply embedded in Tamil culture and devotion. BJP feels that Muruga may have more appeal here, especially since many devotees are Shaivite. The party is hoping that Muruga’s strong local connect will work in their favour.

Is this purely religious or a political strategy?

It’s very much political. The BJP’s goal is to convert religious devotees—whether Ram bhakts or Muruga bhakts—into BJP or RSS supporters. After repeated electoral failures in Tamil Nadu, they’re looking to divine rescue. They’ve faced so many setbacks here that they’re counting their electoral dead like in a battlefield. They won’t admit defeat, but Tamil Nadu remains their toughest frontier.

What makes Lord Muruga a unique figure in Tamil Nadu?

Muruga isn’t just a deity—he’s the Tamil God, or “Tamil Kadavul.” He’s deeply rooted in Tamil literature and music. There are stories of Muruga even teaching his father Shiva the sacred syllable ‘Om’. This places him on a higher pedestal, even above Shiva in some narratives. Tamil texts and songs are filled with Muruga references. So, culturally and emotionally, he resonates with the Tamil people far more than northern deities do.

Has the BJP tried this strategy before?

Yes. In 2020, they launched the “Vel Yatra” with the spear of Muruga as a central symbol. But it didn’t succeed. They've also tried using festivals like Vinayaka Chaturthi and even Ganesh festivals to mobilize Hindu sentiment. Yet, nothing seems to click in Tamil Nadu. Unfortunately for them, the gods haven’t come to their political rescue here.

Why did the DMK, known for its rationalist roots, host its own Murugan conference?

There are two reasons. One, the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowment (HR&CE) department is a government responsibility. Temples need administration, festival planning, water, drainage, transport—all that comes under the government. The DMK is simply fulfilling its constitutional and administrative duty.

Two, it’s about countering the BJP-RSS narrative that DMK is anti-Hindu. By showing that it provides facilities for all religious events—from church pilgrimages to Hindu festivals—the DMK is working to neutralize that criticism. HR&CE Minister Shekhar Babu often cites stats: thousands of Kumbhabhishekams done, temple lands reclaimed, annadhanam served. It’s their way of saying: we are not anti-Hindu.

How effective is the BJP's Hindutva pitch in Tamil Nadu?

Not much. BJP is still seen as a North Indian, Hindi-speaking, Aryan party. It’s viewed as dominated by the forward castes—completely misaligned with Tamil Nadu’s large backward and scheduled caste population. Even the Tamil Nadu governor R N Ravi’s statements often reinforce the idea that the BJP is against Tamil culture and literature.

So their own leaders are hurting their chances?

Yes. North Indian BJP leaders or even state governors make remarks that deepen this impression. Locally, many BJP members are uncomfortable with this. While those statements may work for North Indian audiences, they damage the party’s credibility in Tamil Nadu. The cultural mismatch is hurting their political reach.

How does BJP's caste engineering in the North compare with Tamil Nadu?

In the North, BJP succeeds more through caste polarization than religious mobilization. For instance, in UP, they target non-Yadav OBCs to weaken the Samajwadi Party. In Bihar, it’s non-Yadav backward castes against RJD. They bring in small caste groups, give them 4–5 seats, and make a few ministers—classic caste engineering.

But Tamil Nadu is different. The caste matrix is more complex and culturally entrenched. So far, the same caste-based formula hasn’t yielded them big gains here.

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