Beloved, but lacking opportunities: How Biharis outside Bihar view their home state

Away from the scene of action, but keeping a close eye on developments, is Paras Kumar, a plumber in Noida, who moved out of his home state, Bihar, 15 years back. “The reason everyone is talking about Bihar again is that election dates have been announced. The ruling party claims that Bihar’s face and character have changed, while the opposition says poverty, illiteracy, lack of electricity, roads, water, and industries remain Bihar’s harsh reality,” he said sagely.

Then, venturing his own opinion, he added, “Everyone [all political parties] has looted Bihar — some more, some less. Tell me, if there were jobs in Khagaria [his home district], why would I come 1,300 kilometers away to Noida? Even a Rs 5,000-a-month job there would have been better. But our leaders make only hollow promises.”

Yet, every election, Kumar dutifully returns to Bihar to vote. “No matter how bad the system is, elections always bring hope. If you divide Bihar into two eras — Lalu’s rule [former chief minister and Rashtriya Janata Dal president] and Nitish’s rule [current chief minister and Janata Dal (United) leader] — then yes, some change has come under Nitish. It gives us hope that maybe not now, but in two or three decades, Bihar too will stand alongside states like Maharashtra, Gujarat, Karnataka, and Tamil Nadu [which he cited as more developed than Bihar].”

Kumar’s separation angst from Bihar and his hopes for the state’s future are shared by millions of migrants from the state, settled across the country and abroad.

In June, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) launched a drive to reach out to Biharis living outside the state. According to an article published in the Economic Times, the party estimates the number of such people to be about 20 million, 65 per cent of whom were registered to vote in Bihar. According to reports, work opportunities or employment top the list of reasons for migration from the state.

“The propensity to migrate for work from Bihar is roughly twice that of the national average. The percentage of male migrants from Bihar who have migrated for work is 55 per cent, against the national average of 24 per cent,” estimated Pramod Sinha, a fellow at the National Institute of Public Finance & Policy, New Delhi. Citing a “recent survey”, Sinha added, “Over time, the percentage of households with migrants in Bihar increased from 45 per cent in 1999 to 62 per cent in 2011, stabilising to 65 per cent in 2016”.

While these migrants may remain a profitable votebank for political parties — migration for “lack of job opportunities” in Bihar is expected to feature in the Congress-Rashtriya Janata Dal-led grand alliance’s poll agenda in the state — how do those who have already left home for a greener pasture view Bihar, and what are their expectations from the coming election?

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“Who likes to be away from their roots? I may work in Delhi, but my heart beats for Patna. I make sure to visit my homeland at least two or three times a year. And it’s not that educated or successful Bihari youth aren’t contributing — they are. But the political system in Bihar is rotten, and no single party can be blamed for it,” claimed Vikas Ranjan, vice president at a leading financial firm in the national capital.

He added: “During and after the era of the Mandal Commission [to identify socially and educationally backward communities and recommend reservation for them in jobs and education; the submission of the commission’s report in 1980 led to politics being divided on caste lines], social divides deepened and emotional distances grew. People were so hurt that they sought escape, whether rich or poor. Some progress has been made since 2005, but the system is so broken that it will take decades to get back on track. Still, hope is alive.”

Like Ranjan, Umanath Singh, an independent journalist from Bihar now working in Delhi and Mohan Singh, secretary of the Vibharte Bharat NGO, talk of politics, violence and ‘corruption’ contributing to migrations from Bihar.

“My district Supaul, used to be part of Saharsa about two decades ago. On one hand, the majority of people were physically impoverished; on the other, the political class was drowning in greed. Corruption was at its peak regardless of which party ruled. A bit of development happened, but only the wealthy benefited. Economic inequality grew, and caste tensions became visible. Between 1990 and 2000, Bihar saw mass killings [caste-based violence], and as a result, migration,” alleged Umanath.

According to Mohan, the social divisions and violence became a tool in the hands of political parties.

“Bihar’s society was deeply feudal. In the same village, some owned hundreds of acres while others had not even a small patch of land. Such inequality naturally breeds social disorder. The Belchhi massacre [of 1977, caste violence] is a living example, and between 1990 and 2000, Bihar’s soil was stained with blood. “No single group suffered — everyone did. To save their lives, people fled. And the ruling class realized that as long as caste and chaos persisted, their power was safe,” he claimed.

Mohan added: “Bihar didn’t lag because it lacked talent, nor because too many people migrated. Those who left in search of livelihood didn’t stop loving their homeland. But you have to see things comparatively. After independence, Bihar was progressing. But when politics becomes everything — when the hunger for power outweighs the will to work — the ground reality worsens.”

According to the Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) formulated by the Niti Aayog in 2021, Bihar at 51.91 per cent had the highest number of people who are multidimensionally poor.

On 28 February 2025, Bihar’s Finance Minister presented the Bihar Economic Survey 2024–25 in the state assembly. The survey showed Bihar to be the second-fastest developing state in the country, with its gross state domestic product (GSDP) estimated at ₹8,54,429 crore at current prices and ₹4,64,540 crore at constant (2011–12) prices, said Sinha. The economic growth rate stood at 14.5 per cent (current prices) and 9.2 per cent (constant prices), he added.

However, Bihar’s “economic growth hasn’t translated to prosperity”, said Sinha.

“Per capita income is still a third of the national average. Bihar’s manufacturing sector remains frozen at 8-9 per cent of the state’s GSDP. Urban youth unemployment increased from 20.8 per cent in the first quarter of the 2025 fiscal to 26.4 per cent in the third quarter, representing one of the steepest increases among Indian states. More alarmingly, only 33.9 per cent of youth (aged 15-29) were actively looking for jobs in Bihar, the lowest participation rate in the country. Limited factory employment restricts skill development, forcing a large share of working-age residents to migrate to other states in search of jobs,” he added.

Also read: ‘Dead’ voters walking in Bihar, hundreds deleted from rolls in villages near Patna

Vivek Ranjan, a company secretary working in Mumbai, left Bihar in 2003 to pursue an MBA degree. “Except for a brief period in 2008-09 when I returned to Patna, I have been outside Bihar ever since. I have been in Mumbai since April 2010. I left Bihar for my career. I am a company secretary with an additional MBA degree. There were not many options for a CS then and even now. There are not many companies in Bihar that pay well and there are even fewer listed companies in my knowledge,” he said.

Touching upon infrastructural gaps in the state, Sinha estimated that, according to available data, each doctor at a government facility in Bihar served more than 2,000 people, compared to the national average of around 900. “When it comes to higher education, data derived from the All India Survey on Higher Education shows very low college density; Bihar has only seven colleges per 1 lakh eligible youth (18–23 years) versus a national average near 30. In the [Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs’] Ease of Living Index, 2020, Patna ranked third out of 49 large cities, those with a population above 10 lakh,” the fellow at the National Institute of Public Finance & Policy.

The state’s crime statistics do not paint a very encouraging picture either. According to the National Crime Records Bureau and Bihar Police state-level data, Bihar saw a rapid rise in criminal cases between 2015 and 2024 — an 80.2 per cent increase — compared to the national average of 23.7 per cent.

Biharis living outside the state, however, pin their hopes on “change”.

“Who could have imagined an airport in Purnea, the creation of a Makhana Board [early this year], or an international-level cricket stadium in Bihar [in Rajgir, inaugurated earlier this month]? Work is happening. The government is under pressure. Times have changed. In the past, information was concentrated in a few hands, and communication was one-sided. But now, in the internet era, you can’t rule by rhetoric alone. Real work must be done on the ground,” said Mohan.

Vivek even has a list of suggestions, a roadmap that he thinks can put his home state on the path to real progress. “Focus on technical education to generate employable graduates to attract companies to the state, build on companies with origin in Bihar or having long associations to establish units of size which would imply meaningful employment opportunities and investment, draw up tourism friendly policies (the liquor ban is deterrent for tourists and revenue loss to the government) and focus on meaningful infrastructure,” he said.

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With another election coming up, non-resident Biharis like Mohan, Vivek, Umanath and others will again pin their hopes on development.

“Every government looks the same. Yet people participate in democracy because, despite its flaws, you can’t dismiss the entire system as hopeless,” said Umanath.

The journalist knows that he may never return to live in Supaul. “I came to Delhi from Saharsa in 1999. I have two sons — one studying engineering and the other in class five. When I ask them if they’d like to move to Saharsa or Supaul, they say, ‘Papa, that’s your village.’ That clearly shows a generational shift in mindset,” but admits that he is “still attached” to his district.

It is what Sinha describes as the “inner conflict” of the Bihari migrant. “He is proud of his roots. The draw of family, community, festivals, childhood memories, and the land he still calls ‘home’ remain powerful. But until basic needs of a steady livelihood and security are fulfilled, emotional ties alone cannot compel a return. He chooses Delhi [or metro city with similar opportunities] not just for himself, but for his children—to let them chase dreams without ceilings.”