Has Bangladesh grabbed Indian land? Here’s what activist Kirity Roy says

Even as Murshidabad recovers from communal violence, India-Bangladesh border management remains under scrutiny. Allegations of foreign miscreants' involvement in the riots have reignited concerns over porous borders, fencing delays, and the larger issue of borderland governance.

In this context, The Federal's Samir K Purkayastha spoke to Kirity Roy, Secretary of Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (MASUM), and a long-time human rights activist working in the border areas.

Q. Who is to blame for the failure to properly fence the India-Bangladesh border?

A. The primary question is whether fencing is even the right way to guard the border. If fencing is necessary, why isn't there any on the Bhutan or Nepal borders? We don’t see BSF (Border Security Force) or killings there.

In the India-Bangladesh border area, BSF is not stationed at the actual border but well inside Indian territory. The borderland belongs to the peasants, and fencing often cuts them off from their land and livelihood, especially fishermen along the riverbanks.

As for responsibility, BSF requests land for fencing, and the state government must acquire it. However, the way land acquisition is attempted—sometimes beyond the 150-yard norm—creates problems. I invite you to visit areas like Balabhut and Raninagar to see the situation yourself.

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Q. Are the 1975 guidelines on fencing the main obstacle?

A. There are multiple hurdles. Under the 1975 guidelines, construction within 150 yards of the border is prohibited. But even beyond that, BSF is stationed 10–12 km inside Indian territory, depriving farmers of their land.

The Ministry of Home Affairs could have legally acquired the necessary land only for pillars or fencing, but they have not done so effectively. Meanwhile, lakhs of people are living cut off from the mainland.

Q. What about concerns over security threats, like infiltration of terrorists, after the regime change in Bangladesh?

A. If fencing were the solution, why hasn't infiltration stopped in the past 50 years? Governments claim millions have infiltrated, but where is the proof? How many BSF officers have been suspended for failure of duty? None.

Regarding Murshidabad violence, allegations about Bangladeshi miscreants are false. It was local people who got involved. The government is trying to mask administrative failure by invoking foreign elements.

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Q. You alleged Bangladesh is occupying Indian land. Could you elaborate?

A. Yes, Indian land is occupied in many places. We have filed hundreds of complaints with the West Bengal government, the Central government, NHRC, and even the Supreme Court.

Over 400 villages have reported their agricultural land being inaccessible due to Bangladeshi occupation. These are not "across the border" lands; they lie well within the Indian side, registered under Indian villagers, with documents like daag numbers and khatiyan numbers.

The villagers are denied access by the BSF, and the local administration does little to help.

Q. Are you saying Bangladeshi people are cultivating Indian land?

A. Yes, in several areas, Bangladeshi nationals are cultivating land that officially belongs to Indian citizens. The administration knows this but remains inactive.

Both the BJP (Centre) and Trinamool (state) governments have failed to address this. To the villagers, all governments—past and present—look the same.

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Q. What would be a better solution to border management?

A. Fencing is not the solution. The BSF should be stationed right at the International Border Pillars (IBP). If they are properly posted at the border, the issue of illegal movement will reduce drastically.

Globally, borders are porous to some extent. The real issue is corruption—criminals cross because touts on both sides facilitate it, with the help of BSF and Bangladesh’s BGB.

Q. You’ve made serious claims about corruption at the border. Could you explain?

A. Yes, there’s rampant corruption involving police and BSF officers. This is why cattle smuggling from Rajasthan, Haryana, and Uttar Pradesh to Bangladesh happens so easily.

We have documented proof—signed confessions too—but there is no action. Cattle and coal smuggling syndicates extend up to Delhi. Everyone gets their share, which is why enforcement remains weak.

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Q. What happened to the idea of "border haats" to control smuggling?

A. In 2010, the Indian government proposed setting up border haats (markets) to legalize small cross-border trade and stop smuggling. But no border haat has been established in West Bengal.

Despite both governments agreeing, and the potential revenue gains, nothing has moved forward.

Q. How serious is cross-border criminal activity overall?

A. It is serious but also symptomatic of larger issues. Border villages are underdeveloped—there are no factories, no proper roads, no job opportunities.

The Border Area Development Programme (BADP) was supposed to change this, but funds are siphoned off. There is no real accountability, despite Parliament passing laws to ensure it.

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Q. Who do you hold responsible for this mismanagement?

A. The state and central governments are equally responsible. Under Congress, CPM, Trinamool, or BJP—nothing has changed for the border villagers.

Political leaders thrive on instability and poverty in border areas because it suits their agenda.

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