Pahalgam: BJP’s war narrative risks democracy, warns veteran journalist Ashutosh

In a compelling episode of Off the Beaten Track hosted by The Federal's Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay, veteran journalist and author Ashutosh discusses the far-reaching political and societal implications following the Pahalgam terror attack, the evolving face of Indian politics after the 2024 elections, and the future of opposition politics in the country. Ashutosh’s insights, anchored by his latest book Reclaiming Bharat, offer a layered, thought-provoking analysis of the state of Indian democracy.

How do you see the Pahalgam terror attack impacting India's political narrative?

The BJP would certainly like to exploit the Pahalgam incident to unite Hindus and stoke the "Hindu khatre mein hai" narrative. However, in my opinion, this attack will hurt the BJP for two reasons. First, it happened on Indian territory where Hindus were directly targetted, raising serious questions about the macho image that Modi and Amit Shah have built since 2014 - that India would be safer with Modi’s 56-inch chest leadership. Despite being in power for 11 years, if Hindus are targetted by being asked their names and religion, it damages their credibility.

Second, after the abrogation of Article 370, the government proclaimed from the rooftops that terrorism would end and Kashmir would turn into a heaven. Yet, despite the government being under direct control and security forces supervised by the Home Minister, such an incident has occurred. People will definitely ask questions about these tall claims.

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A positive takeaway is the way ordinary Kashmiris responded. After the attack, Kashmiris rose in collective grief and rage against the terrorists. I was at the same spot in Pahalgam just 48 hours before the incident. Everyone - tourists and locals alike - was happy, tourism was flourishing, and employment was booming. The Kashmiri response shows a very different Kashmir from what I’ve seen since 1991. It's encouraging, and shows the failure of efforts to communalise the tragedy.

Do you worry that Muslims and Kashmiris across India could be physically targetted following this attack?

Unfortunately, that possibility cannot be ruled out. It's a very disturbing situation. A few Muslims have already been targetted in stray incidents. And that, in fact, is what Pakistan wants. On April 14, the Pakistan Army Chief Munir invoked the Two-Nation Theory, saying Hindus and Muslims are two different nations.

Also Read: Terror attack fallout: Families torn apart at Indo-Pak border

What’s worrying is that Pakistan’s government echoed this line after India suspended the Indus Waters Treaty post-Pahalgam. Their statement concluded by referencing the Muslim League’s 1940 resolution. There is clearly a dangerous design: to tell Indian Muslims they cannot coexist with Hindus, provoking civil strife.

India’s response must be cold-blooded and calibrated. The government must avoid falling into Pakistan’s trap, which seeks to divide Indian society.

Moving to politics, you write in your new book Reclaiming Bharat that the 2024 verdict was not a clear mandate. Can you explain why?

If you look at 2014 and 2019, voters gave decisive mandates - to reject the Congress and to back Modi’s BJP with full majorities. In 2024, for the first time in a decade, BJP failed to get a majority on its own, dropping to 240 seats. People didn’t think the BJP deserved 272 seats. But they also didn’t fully trust the Opposition. The Congress and the INDIA bloc also fell short.

So, this is a no-confidence verdict against the entire political class - against both the BJP and the opposition. Voters wanted an alternative, but it wasn’t available. That's why the 2024 result is so ambiguous.

After the verdict, many said Modi would have to become more consultative. Has that happened?

No, not really. Narendra Modi’s personality is fundamentally non-consultative. He is a once-in-a-generation leader - very strong-willed and very centralised. After Pahalgam, Modi didn't personally brief the President or attend the all-party meeting - conventionally expected of a Prime Minister in such a situation.

Also Read: Capital Beat: Will govt convene special Parliament session on Pahalgam?

Even after 2024, Modi still controls the levers of power - ED, CBI, the government machinery. Coalition partners have been tamed because of this. Modi was definitely shaken after the elections - his margin of victory in Varanasi shrank to just 1.5 lakh votes, far from the 10-lakh target. But while he is weaker, he hasn’t fundamentally changed.

How is the RSS's relationship with Modi evolving after 2024?

The RSS wants to reclaim space from Modi and Amit Shah. They realised that while Hindutva has expanded, the BJP's internal organisation has weakened. Also, BJP’s pursuit of power isn’t necessarily aligned with the RSS’s long-term civilisational goals.

The delay in appointing a new BJP president reflects this tussle. The RSS wants a strong, independent leader - not another yes-man like JP Nadda. Modi’s visit to Nagpur to meet Mohan Bhagwat was a climb-down. It shows that Modi is under pressure, but the truce terms are still being negotiated.

You also wrote that Priyanka Gandhi contesting from Varanasi could have changed the game. Why?

In hindsight, had Priyanka Gandhi contested from Varanasi, it could have dealt a bigger blow to Modi. Even without a heavyweight candidate, Modi’s margin shrank massively. If Priyanka had contested, at least a formidable challenge would have rattled Modi and Amit Shah further.

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The mere fact that Amit Shah had to camp in Varanasi during the final days says a lot. Modi has been shaken by the close contest - he no longer enjoys the invincible aura he once had.

What about the credibility of the Election Commission of India today?

While I would not outright claim that elections are no longer free and fair, serious questions loom about the Election Commission’s credibility. 2024 saw unprecedented communal campaigning, and the Election Commission largely slept through it.

The delay in publishing voting percentages, unexplained surges in voter numbers in places like Maharashtra, and the Election Commission’s partisan behavior all point to a compromised institution.

This erosion of trust threatens democracy itself. If people begin believing that elections are manipulated, faith in democracy will collapse.

You also point out the extensive use of state machinery during elections. What’s your view?

Since 2014, India is slowly moving towards becoming an ideological state. In an ideological state, everyone must support the larger project - or be sidelined, crushed, or annihilated. Arresting chief ministers like Arvind Kejriwal and Hemant Soren during the election campaign was part of this.

Also Read: WhatsApp Universe angry with Pak terrorists, but why hate Indian Muslims?

Agencies like the ED and the CBI are being openly used to target opposition leaders. It’s not about law enforcement anymore - it’s about creating an ideological, majoritarian India.

The Aam Aadmi Party once represented hope for alternative politics. Where do you see AAP now?

AAP’s fall in Delhi showed the party losing its moral capital. It started behaving like any other political party. Without moral strength, no structure, and limited resources, AAP risks collapse - especially if it fails to retain Punjab.

It was once a symbol of hope, but today, it looks like just another party.

The political moment after the Pahalgam attack could shape India's future significantly. This is a test not only of India's political class but also of its civil society, institutions, and voters.

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